What work did we do on the trip?
I thought I should mention, the road trip wasn’t entirely fun and games. In each city we did some research, and I spoke with civil society organizations to spur interest in joining the civil society coalition for constitutional reform. I met with the National Movement for Justice and Development in Kono, and the Sierra Leone Indigenous Miners Movement in Kenema to discuss constitutional reform issues. Both of these groups expressed interest but also concern about affording a trip to Freetown to participate in conferences or workshops on reform. They want to have a voice, but can’t figure out how to get one. One of my bosses told me this is essentially the problem with the CSOs around the country: they’ll express an interest in participating, if they can get something out of it—money, resources, publicity—but their interest will wane or disappear once they need to do something for it, or if there is no money for per diems or transportation and accommodation wherever the conferences or meetings are going to take place.
We also researched the conditions facing miners in the East and South. Walking into the illuvial mud-puddle mines was a pretty incredible experience. I can’t imagine standing in that muddy water, sifting through dirt looking for tiny rocks for 10 hours a day, all for compensation of rice and soup or about $2 per day. I can understand the Fawaz crew’s opinion that they preferred their job working for the construction supplies company, just selling merchandise, loading goods, and driving things around the country. It’s a guaranteed paycheck and a lot less hassle. The people at Koidu Holdings were also remarkable. They straddled this line between defensive public relations word-voodoo and friendly promotion of their positive local employment programs. The guesthouse operator in Kono told me that you need to go and speak with the people who have been evicted from their land by Koidu Holdings in order to really know how the company treats the local community. Apparently when they decide it’s time to expand the mines, they simply inform people that they are moving, and begin digging. People are forced to relocate without even a mention of compensation. Of course, they are supposed to pay for relocation and resettlement, but if the government is being bribed already, you can probably guess how much anyone monitors the resettlement procedures and payments.
Finally, we were researching women’s access to justice and women’s rights in the provinces. The best answer we got on this topic was from a man who works for the Sierra Leone Human Rights Commission in Bo. We asked “with the passage of new bills in 2005, and 2007, what has changed? What is women’s access to justice in Bo?” and the gentleman responded quickly, without hesitation, and without irony: “ZERO!” The major problem is that police are untrained, women are too poor or economically dependent on their husband/family to report domestic violence or prosecute abuses of their rights, and there are simply no lawyers to take their cases. Lawyers exist in these areas, but they refuse to take cases prosecuting domestic violence. All too often, the perpetrators will be clients of the lawyer, or prominent members of the community, and it would be dangerous for the lawyer to defend the victim because they might face career suicide in the area. In Kono we heard rumours of the local chief having been caught keeping a 13 year-old mistress, and the uproar this rumour had caused was palpable. But, at the same time, there was a universal acceptance of the futility of the situation: he would never be prosecuted because there would never be evidence to substantiate the claims, and she would never pursue it because she would never know it was her right to escape sexual abuse by the chief, and he would simply continue his life and probably do it again with another 13 year-old. In Bo, we learned from the HRC man that the challenge facing women is on several levels. They would have to escape the village and come to the city to report the case, costing money for transport, food and potentially accommodation. Then they need money to pay the police to report their case—either in bribes to report it at all, or for paper, pens, and other materials used in reporting the case. Finally, they need money to return to the city several times to pursue the case, hire a lawyer to take the case or pay the police to prosecute it themselves—with the added problem that the police are not adequately trained as legal counsel, so their counsel is already less skilled and less trained than the defendants’ counsel. It is an almost impossible burden. Yet, in Kono the police line commander pursued a campaign of implementing the 2007 Domestic Violence Act and prosecuted over 100 cases in 2008. Since then, he said “people are aware, people are sensitized, and people are scared” which has either resulted in less reporting of cases or in lower incidences of violence against women. We may never know which one.